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It is also divided into three countries - Oceania, Eurasia, and Eastasia - which are in a vacillating state of war with one another because, since the age of opulence-for-all would otherwise have arrived, this is necessary in order to preserve material differences between the classes and to maintain the Inner Party in power.īut all this discourse, despite writer-director Michael Radford's evident intelligence, is probably impossible to dramatize. The world of Orwell's ''1984'' is divided into three social classes: Proles (animal-like proletarians), Outer Party (Smith), and Inner Party (O'Brien). Orwell, after all, was not a major novelist or teller of tales and his towering strength lay in his essays and memoirs: ''Hommage to Catalonia,'' ''Down and Out in London and Paris,'' ''A Hanging,'' ''Shooting an Elephant.'' What it missing in the movie, plainly, are Orwell's brilliant essays in the novel on ''Newspeak,'' ''doublethink,'' ''INGSOC,'' or on the ingeniously devised Goldstein, the regime's Antichrist on whom everything that goes wrong is blamed - Goldstein playing Trotsky, in short, to Big Brother's Stalin.

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  • Scott and Manohla Dargis, selected their favorite movies of the year. Smith is tortured and broken, finally surrendering his life and even his mind to INGSOC and Big Brother. But the ''Thought Police'' keep tabs on everyone and the two are soon arrested and Smith is interrogated by the very quintessense of ''INGSOC,'' O'Brien, played by Richard Burton. What can he do to brighten it up? He begins a sexual affair with a promiscuous, attractive young co-worker, carried on by stealth because the regime is highly puritanical. We sense, somehow, that Smith is dissatisfied with this life. Items which he clips out he throws into an incinerator beside his desk. He seems to be modifying old newspapers, cutting out parts, rewriting others. Pieces of paper arrive at his desk via pneumatic tube. Greetings.'' The next day, we find Smith at work in a tiny cubicle in a vast prison- like government building. He produces a diary and writes in it the mysterious words: ''To the future or to the past, to a time when thought is free, from the age of Big Brother. That night, in his little flat, Smith pulls a chair into an odd angle of the room in order to conceal himself from the television screen that observes his every move.

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    At high points they stand and, clenching both fists, cross their wrists with arms extended in what seems a combination of the Communist and fascist salutes. People alternately scream with rage and cheer madly, all in a peculiarly mechanical, arbitrary way.

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    A banner marked INGSOC (English Socialism) first appears on the screen, then a series of battle newsreels. The opening scene is a kind of rally in which perhaps a thousand people, men and women, all dressed like Smith, are being shown a propaganda movie. He has a wretched little apartment in a block where discolored paint peels off the walls and corridors are filled with litter. Smith himself is scrawny, sallow- skinned, dressed in an ill-fitting jumpsuit of Peking blue.

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    Faucets drip, elevators don't work, windows are broken. (When the novel was published, in 1949, the year of the title was still 35 years away). Winston Smith (John Hurt), the movie's protagonist, lives a squalid life in a grimy, greenish-gray, unrecognizable London of the future. Orwell's mordant verbal evocation of the horrors to come is simply not translated into visual terms. If all we knew of Orwell was this movie, he would be considered a futuristic writer of pessimistic temperament and mediocre talent.

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    Have the makers of the film ''1984'' succeeded in transposing into cinematic form the startling originality of one of the 20th century's most famous novels? For those who have not read George Orwell's classic book, the story we see on the screen is, frankly, meager.















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